Long Term Consequences Of Residualisation Social Policy Essay

Long Term Consequences Of Residualisation Social Policy Essay For those in need of housing in the UK, many low-income and disadvantaged people and families have turned to the Government for assistance in the form of public housing. However, there has been any number of challenges in terms of providing the right quantity and, most importantly, quality of public housing to meet the needs of various UK communities. In the Thatcher era of the 1980s, the Government decided that residualisation of council housing would be the best solution, thereby shifting the responsibility to provide needs and services away from the state and onto the individual and family. In order to further investigate the causes and long-term consequences of the residualisation policy of the 1980s, the context for council housing will first be examined in order to understand the need for this type of public housing, including its social composition and why a shift toward residualisation occurred. It is also important to examine some of the economic, political, and social forces that may have also led to this shift, including globalisation and industrialisation, the new anti-state ideology of Thatcherism, the policies that were created during this time such as the Housing Act 1980, and the growing problems within the UK that led to the reliance on council housing. Lastly, in looking at the long-term consequences of residualisation, it would seem that this shift only led to greater problems rather than solutions. Various consequences will be explored, including the increase in poor housing stock, neighbourhood instability, greater inequality between the classes, and the poor perception of council housing. However, one long-term consequence that can be seen as positive is the overall increase in home ownership during the 1980s and beyond, which has provided a new way for many individuals and families to establish a better economic stature. The Context for Residualisation In order to better understand the causes of residualisation, it is important to first set the context for this shift. At one time, the public housing sector was the fastest growing aspect of the UK housing system and was favoured by the Labour government as a way to house individuals and families after World War II. In 1945, Aneurin Bevam, the Minister of Health, told the House of Commons; We shall ask the local authorities to be the main instruments for the housing programme. It is a principle of the first importance that the local authorities must be looked as the organizations and the source for the building of the main bulk of the housing programme. The local authorities are admirable suite for this purpose. (House of Commons 1945: 1). This was seen as a way to better service everyone within society and create a more equal playing field between classes. It was seen as a way of housing working people, regardless of their income, and there was no stigma of failure attached to those that did choose this option during its early years (Cowan and Maclennan 2008: 11). Council housing was viewed as an investment structure that would allow the UK to offer affordable housing, and this system was found to be capable of sustaining new building programmes on cost balanced rents, well within the affordability of people on average incomes (Ready 2007: 2). In analysing council housing during this period, the belief was that the emphasis was on breaking down the barriers and distinctions between groups in society, opening up public services to all on the basis of need, without investigation of ability to pay (Malpass, 1990: 74). This time period was known as Welfare Capitalism, focusing on the common good and equality through the development of public services and social protection (Scanlon and Whitehead 2008: 17). The term, working classes was even removed from the 1949 Housing Act as a way to establish council housing as a new mixed community that broke new ground on removing the class and income barriers that had previously existed. This meant higher quality standards for council housing, thereby producing a positive viewpoint on council housing up until the 1980s. At that point, there was a definitive shift in how council housing was viewed with a rapidly depleted housing stock that only offered small flats for the neediest groups. The public housing sector stock essentially peaked at 6.5 million in 1979 but, by December 1986, the figure had fallen to under 5.9 million (CIPFA, 1986: 1). As of 2007, the council housing stock has fallen to 3.8 million (Housing and Dependency Working Group 2008: 14). Figure 1.1 also shows the decline in council housing from a peak of 31.7 per cent in the late 1970s to 26.7 per cent in 1986, illustrating how the residualisation policy altered the availability of quality council housing. The latter section will discuss the causes of the decline of council housing. Causes: Shifting Policies, Political Ideologies, and Economics In the early 1970s, Titmuss linked the residual model of social welfare to the idea and beliefs of right-wing economists, such as Hayek, Friedman, and followers of the Institute of Economic Affairs, who were to become so influential with the government a decade later (Forrest and Williams, 1984: 1165). The residual model of social welfare is based on the view that the market and the family should be the main provider of all needs and services. This was part of the Post-Industrial perspective, which was a reaction by the Governments after the 1970s because they feared that they would be unable to manage their national economies in the face of globalisation (Scanlon and Whitehead 2008: 17). As such, the state has a minimal role to play in direct provision, catering only for those who truly have proved that they cannot support themselves. This approach measures a persons welfare against their position in the labour market so that the state would be sure to only complement the market rather than to compete with it. Globalisation Within the realm of globalisation, the UK housing market has become integrated into the global flow of financial markets where money moves freely and rapidly through countries and uses (Waters, 1995: 64), changing how the country has viewed its housing stock. To participate in the global markets, the British economy was then restructured in an attempt to better handle their labour markets, taxation policies and public expenditures in a way that would keep tighter control over what was doled out to its citizens in the form of public assistance. The result was then to reconsider where the country would invest its money in terms of programmes for public assistance, thereby shifting the focus away from council housing and onto investing in private housing that could be financed through the global market system. The policy has shifted to right to buy in public rented housing, leading to a shortage of investment funds for public housing and influencing the stock transfer to housing associations that use private borrowing to stretch what public money is received (Forrest and Murie 1988: 131). Political factors When the conservative party won the 1979 general election, it considered that its housing policies, including the Right to Buy scheme that became part of the Housing Act 1980, had contributed to its electoral success, so the political movement was geared toward the concept of home ownership for as many citizens as possible. This philosophy was inherent in the politics of the day that was geared toward a capitalist approach to society in which there would be an expanded access to capital assets beyond just what was supplied on a public assistance basis. The political movement during the Thatcher administration believed that the state would be freer to help the country become more competitive in terms of its industries and financial prowess if it no longer had to be lumbered with the infrastructure that is involved in operating a welfare state. The British New Rights welfare policies absolve the Government of taking any responsibility in terms of adhering to a certain standard of living for all, thereby choosing to redistribute income from the poor to the rich (Smith 1995: 189). This would mean that those that exist at the bottom of society must be disciplined and wrenched from its dependence on social welfare (Wheelan 1999: 5). Hence, the idea of residualisation was led by the political forces during that time period. Policy changes Policy changes, including the Right to Buy scheme under the Housing Act 1980, were also one of the primary causes of residualisation. During this time, there was more of a concern about area renewal rather than public assistance (Stephens and Lynch 2005: 6), so providing for home ownership was one way in which area renewal could take place without a major investment by the Government. Michael Heseltine set out specific objectives to increase the opportunities for home ownership, improve housing quality, provide greater value for money and more effectively use resources where the needs are more severe. The solutions were seen in privatising the housing market, which meant reducing the existence of council housing stock, restricting capital investments by local authorities, and changing the terms of tenants rental rights (Stephens et al., 2005: 4). Those within council houses were then given the right to buy at a discount up to a maximum of 50 per cent after twenty years and would receive a mortgage from their local authority, taking away incentives for staying in council houses except for those that could not financially purchase a home or take out a mortgage (Stephens et al. 2005: 4). As the figure below indicates, 1980-1984 sales of council homes exceeded new building by private developers, indicating that residualisation was well underway. Thatcher believed that establishing a Right to Buy programme that would replace the state-issued council housing was a way to free many in society from what she saw as the deadening grip of municipal landlordism and a way to create a new cadre of housing consumers (Houghton 2009: 2). And, this plan did work remarkably well for those that had the means to participate whilst the rest were left to compete for a diminishing pool of subsidised homes whilst the worst of the council homes-mostly those ugly block buildings of the 1960s and 1970s-were deserted or left to decay with no funding for refurbishment (Houghton 2009: 2). Stock transfer Stock transfer was one of the primary ways that residualisation was enacted because this policy severely reduced the council housing stock. Stock transfer had a much more significant impact than the Right to Buy policy with the government permitting the transfer of some 200,000 council houses per annum under stock as compared to 50,000 Right to Buy sales in 1999 (Stone 2003: 10). During this time, there were numerous measures that facilitated the transfer of the public stock to alternative landlords through the Tenants Choice and Housing Action Trust. The Large-scale Voluntary Stock Transfer (LSVT) also played a key role in which LSVTs were involved the sale of the local authoritys entire stock of rented houses and the transfer of its staff to a newly-formed housing association set up for the purpose (Stone 2003: 11). By April 1997, 54 councils had divested themselves of their housing stock via an LSVT, leading to more than one quarter of a million homes being transferred (Stone 2003: 11). Overall, it has been estimated that this aspect of residualisation led to over fifty per cent growth in the owner-occupied sector (Stone 2003: 11). Long-Term Consequences of Residualisation Due to these various factors, the causes of residualisation have led to some long-term consequences. Some of these consequences relate to what is now viewed as persistent market instability in terms of housing prices since the low-cost rented sector that was at its peak before the residualisation process of the 1980s has now all but disappeared whilst there has also been more significant changes in the UKs social structure as mentioned below (Ready 2007: 4). Depletion of quality housing stock and homelessness The Right to Buy scheme and the large-scale stock transfer to housing associations meant that most of the quality housing was now sold, leaving available council housing for the needy that was in disrepair and in desperate need of modernisation (Cantle, 1986: 58). The prices of available homes grew at a major faster pace than wages and there were very few rental options available (Cowans and Maclennan 2008: 11). Despite the fact that most of the structures were built prior to World War II and were traditionally constructed to a higher standard, the 1980s saw these structures begin to disintegrate with estimates of  £19 billion to make repairs and modernise them (Cantle, 1986: 61). Since the Government was unwilling or unable to make these repairs, the existing stock of council housing disintegrated further, further marring the reputation of council housing (Cantle, 1986: 62). This depletion of council housing stock and the inability of certain groups to either qualify for what is available or wait on a list has led the numbers of homeless in the UK to rise, illustrating that the residualisation process has created new problems rather than solving old ones (Smith 1995: 196). Despite the increasing homelessness problem, the New Right in Britain continues to view increased public housing as a mean to continue creating dependency on a welfare state amongst the poor and unemployed (Smith 1995: 199). Negative perspectives, stigmatisation, and reduction of the council sector Since the residualisation process seemed to help out those that were willing and capable to support themselves with minimal assistance from the state, which left only the disadvantaged to remain in the council sector, reducing the size of the sector whilst also stigmatising those that remained a part of this public assistance programme (Burrows, 1999: 31). The statistics of those within the council housing system further substantiated stigmatism of certain groups of individuals, creating prejudice, inequality in home ownership, and leading to instability in neighbourhoods. For example, the London Housing Survey, 1986-7 showed that 4% of all households in London were headed by single parents but 9% in the council sector, and nearly half of all Afro-Caribbean households lived in council housing but were underrepresented in the owner occupation sector (London Research Centre 1988: Tables 1, 2, and 4). Additionally, Forrest and Murie (1988: 68) stated that, by 1984, more than half of households in council housing were headed by an economically inactive person and that nearly two-thirds of council housing head of households were not working. Those that do work have incomes in the bottom 40%, as compared to the early 1980s when council tenants had average income that was 73% of the national average (Housing and Dependency Working Group 2008: 14). Table 1.1 shows how the elderly and younger age groups have also become significantly over-represented in council housing since the early 1970s. The result has led to a long-term system that geographically contains and stigmatises those living in council housing as bad places in which those seeking public assistance are looked down upon and excluded by society (Social Exclusion Unit 1999: 2). The general perspective that council housing is welfare housing for those on welfare has been ingrained into the overall society, in large measure, by the residualisation processes that have occurred over the last fifty years (Somerville 2004: 2). The lines between poverty and crime have become so blurred that the Government now uses the council estates as an example of how those within the bottom of society are responsible for their own wretched existence (Wheelan 1999: 5), so that the rest of society takes the same negative viewpoint of council housing and those that live there. The New Labour rationale continues that of the Thatcher era in terms of destroying the UKs culture of a welfare state by threatening to demolish all council housing, regardless of whether people living there now need this shelter or not, if these areas continue to retain high numbers of the unemployed and welfare dependent (Wheelan 1999: 4-5), proving that the long-term effect of residualisation will continue. However, at the same time, it is interesting to note that, despite the efforts of residualisation to help those in need, the number of people in the UK living in poverty doubled from ten million in 1978-1980 to twenty million by 1998-1999 (Stephens and Lynch 2005: 27). It seems as though the intentions of this process actually continued to create more negative consequences than it was able to solve. Neighbourhood instability and lack of community cohesion The residualisation of the council housing segment has led to a constant churning and rotation of people within neighbourhoods, creating the long-term effect of instability and a lack of community cohesion (Holman and Simpson, 1999: 23). Leaving just less affluent older people and younger people within the council housing segment has created constant change with the older generations dying and the younger generations growing restless and changing their residences more often than families or other demographic groups (Holman and Simpson, 1999: 24). For example, the majority of people moving out of council housing had lived at their previous address for less than five years and 31% have moved after less than two years, indicating that those entering council housing in the recent past are increasingly unlikely to anticipate a long-term future as local authority tenants (Pawson and Bramley, 2000: 1257). The instability will be further enabled by the polarisation between available quality homes and poor homes. As one building society noted, Prices for quality homes will continue to rise, while prices for poor homes continue to fall as the market increasingly polarises (Wheelan 1999: 4). Growth in home ownership This is not to say that the long-term consequences are all negative as the growth of home ownership since the 1980s, making the UK as home-owning society, can only be viewed as a positive. As of 1995, the rate of home ownership was 66%, up from 55% in 1979 (Smith 1995: 190). Owning a home has been shown to be a means of raising ones social status as well as improving ones economic footing and long-term stability (Smith 1995: 191). Home ownership also helps many communities regenerate and improve the overall social cohesion. The fact that council housing has not lived up to the promises of fifty years ago may push the Government to strike the entire programme and develop innovative solutions for social housing needs or devise new ways of helping the poor to help themselves (Wheelan 1999: 5). The only problematic aspect of this overall advantageous consequence is the continued inequality in class in terms of home ownership and the discrepancy amongst demographic groups in terms of who can afford home ownership and who cannot. There continues to be a severe shortage of quality housing stock for everyone, including those who would like to purchase homes. And, while the globalisation of financial markets did allow for greater housing finance options, the recent credit crunch has also shown that participating in globalisation has its price too as funding for mortgages has all but disappeared. Conclusions In looking at the present state of council housing and public assistance, it seems as though the primary causes of residualisation from the 1980s in terms of the globalised financial and lending system and the political perspective of measured spending on social programmes will continue in the same manner going forward. The recent global credit crunch further impacts the ongoing lack of focus on providing social housing due to reduced financing sources and budgetary cuts to Government funded programmes. The future brings the need for new strategies that offer community housing rather than council housing under a new umbrella of what is being called mixed tenure to ensure the right stock of affordable social and private housing that is intended to better balance the ability to make quality housing within the grasp of all levels within society. Whilst residualisation was one attempt at breaking free of a welfare state but also one that continues to keep certain groups stuck without any upward mobility, there are other types of social processes that can be explored to better balance and sustain local communities. In the end, it may not be the council housing or public assistance that is creating a vicious cycle for the disadvantaged since the residualisation process has actually led to greater poverty, homelessness, and other social issues. The real issue may be the need to fix other programmes that do not involve public assistance in terms of providing more job opportunities, education and training, and strategies that improve the internal infrastructure of the UK rather than trying to put a plaster on the problem and hoping it just gets better on its own or transferring income over to those that are already sustaining themselves. The issues involved have seemingly been exacerbated by the residualisation process rather than solved the issue of a welfare state. This is the time when the UK Government must look inwards on how to provide more assistance that allows people to help themselves and invest in what is already available to refurbish and renew areas so that more citizens can enjoy a better quality of life. References Burrows, R. (1999). Residential mobility and residualization in social housing in England. Journal of Social Policy, 27-52. Cantle, T. (1986). The deterioration of public sector housing in Malpass, P (Ed.) The Housing Crisis. London: Croom Helm. Chartered Institute of Public Finance and Accountancy (CIPA). (1986). Housing statistics, Part 1: Rents, rebates and allowances at April 1976 and housing rents statistics. Cowans, J. and Maclennan, D. (2008). Visions for social housing: international perspectives. The Smith Institute, 1-100. Forrest, R. and Murie, A. (1988). Selling the Welfare State. London: Routledge. Forrest, R. and Williams, P. (1984). Commodificaton and housing: emerging issues and contradictions. Environment and Planning, 1163-80. HMSO. (1988). Annual abstract of statistics. Holman, A.E. and Simpson, M. (1999). Low Demand: Separating Fact from Fiction. Coventry: Chartered Institute of Housing in England. Houghton, J. (2009). The ideological importance of housing, 1-9. House of Commons. (1945). House of Commons Debates, Vol. 414, Col. 1222. Housing and Dependency Working Group. (2008). Housing poverty: From social breakdown to social mobility. Centre for Social Justice, 1-132. London Research Centre. (1988). Council tenants in London. Malpass, P. (1990). Reshaping Housing Policy: Subsidies, Rents, and Residualisation. London: Routledge. Pawson, H. and Bramley , G. (2000). Understanding recent trends in residential mobility in council housing in England. Urban Studies, 37(8), 1231-59. Ready, B. (2007). Homes for the future: more affordable, more sustainable. UK Housing Green Paper. Available at: www.thereadyfamily.com/housing/archive/submission.htm. Scanlon, K. and Whitehead, C. (2008). Social Housing in Europe II. London: London School of Economics and Political Science. Smith, J. (1995). Class war conservatism: Housing policy, homelessness and the underclass. The Socialist Register, 188-206. Social Exclusion Unit (SEU). (1999). Bringing Britain together: A national strategy for neighbourhood renewal. Somerville, P. (2004). Transforming council housing. Housing Studies Association Conference, 1-13. Stephens, M. and Lynch, E. (2005). The cost, quantity, and quality of housing consumption in the UK: Comparisons with other European countries, 1-90. Stephens, M., Whitehead, C., and Munro, M, (2005). Lessons from the past, challenges for the future for housing policy: an evaluation of English housing policy 1975-2000. London: Office of the Deputy Prime Minister. Stone, M.E. (2003). Social housing in the UK and US: Evolution, issues and prospects, 1-90. Waters, M. (1995). Globalization. London: Routledge. Wheelan, S. (1999). The impact of globalisation on urban development. The World Socialist Web Site. Available at: www.wsws.org.

Ethical aspects of Social Media Marketing

This essay will focus on the topic ‘Critically evaluating the ethical aspects of social media marketing in the United States’ and the principal question assessed throughout this writing will be ‘Have social media marketing acted ethical or not? ’ According to Nielson Report (2013, p. 3), ‘Social media marketing typically refers to two practices involving social media- the use free tools and paid media’.According to Gaski (1999 cited Smith 2000, p8), marketing ethics is defined as â€Å"standards of conduct and moral judgements applied to marketing†. In relation to social media, these ethics guide the operations of marketing on social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter or Youtube (Eagle, 2009). With the rapid growth and adoption of social media, the ethical concerns on social media has also significantly increased. (Mutula, 2012).The author further examines the following categories: 1. 1Social Media Research According to Smith, (200 1), -â€Å"be truthful, protect privacy, don't model inappropriate behaviour, don't be offensive, be fair and balanced, avoid stereotyping and protect children’’ are the seven basic ethical standards for marketing, which are applicable to the present social media marketing. However, all businesses has a legal responsibility to comply with the legislation of their country.In the United States it is the Federal Trade Commission which regulates advertising and marketing laws in the country. (Smith, 2001: Federal Trade Commission, 2013) Social media research is the initial stage of marketing; a technique or an approach used by the marketers to conduct market research on social media platforms. The foremost issue that has commenced is the ethical aspect of using social media for market research purposes; the gathering of data and conducting research on consumers and competitors. (Patino et. al).In addition, it is the fundamental responsibility of marketers to protect consu mer personal data by ensuring that the data is only used for research purposes and makes sure that they adhere to the social network guidelines and regulations of the company. (Mareck M, 2011) However, companies violate these rules and steal customer information without their consent for research and marketing activities, which is unethical and against the FTC Act.Evidently, it was reported by the FTC, in May 2011, 32 legal actions were taken against  organisations that have failed to maintain protection for consumer sensitive data thus breached consumers’ privacy rights. For example, in February 2013, a social networking app generated by Path. Inc. , acquired consumer personal information without their consent and settled FTC charges for infringing Consumer Privacy Act also in the meantime the same company was charged for violating the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act, from approximately 3000 children personal information was collected without getting parent s’ consent which was claimed to be highly unethical.  (Federal Trade Commission 2013).Moreover, social media has assisted companies to monitor their employees on social networks. Many reports and cases have been lodged against those companies for unethical practices, by involuntarily retrieving personal information of employees. Such cases involve companies use specialised softwares or access employees’ user name and password of Facebook and Twitter accounts, to trace tweets and posts of what employees post on social networks.As a result, in regard to the newly imposed social media privacy legislation, companies were seized to make settlements on the charges of violating Employee Privacy Protection Act. (Eaglesham, J. and Rothfeld, M. , 2013) Furthermore, social media marketing has become a major threat to the competitors since the birth of social media, and with the aid of market research it has become a trend for brands to practice unethical and unlawful activities such as creating fake accounts, fake endorsements, fake blogs, fake community groups and tarnishing competitors’ brand reputation on social platforms.  (Ray, 2011)1. 2 Viral Marketing and Advertising Viral marketing is the spreading of information between users on social media and it has become the defining marketing trend; techniques used to promote company product/ service and brand name on social media. For example, viral campaigns are marketing techniques widely used to spread the Word-Of-Mouth (WOM) and it can be in the form of viral videos via Youtube, Facebook statuses/posts, or blogs on social media.Thus, viral campaigns build awareness and promotes the company product and image on social media. (Fergusan. R, 2008) For example, ASDA has effectively used this strategy for their promotional campaigns, like the Christmas doesn’t just happen by magic Video 2012 which went viral on Youtube. However, viral marketing can be an adverse impact to the company and unet hical too.For example, Celeb Boutique thought of implementing the viral marketing technique of trending hash tag on Twitter, instead of a positive brand recognition it caused a negative impact to the company brand image and was humiliated virally. (Smeets, 2013) In terms of ethics, such cases include: companies that attack other companies indirectly, being dis honest unprofessional and dis respectful on their campaigns.For example: As reported by The Economic Times, in April 2012, Nokia launched an aggressive viral campaign against Samsung, comparing it’s Lumia smart phone with Samsung’s intentionally emphasizing that Nokia phones are invincible and can blow away other smart phones, this campaign was highly unethical and against the FTC Advertising and Marketing Act of being dishonest and deceptive to stakeholders such as competitors (Mukherjee, W, 2012) According to FTC (2013), â€Å"All businesses have a legal responsibility to ensure that advertising is truthful an d not deceptive’’.Advertising shouldn’t target on vulnerable audiences such as children and should comply with the FTC standards regarding children privacy issues.For example: Kelloggs company made false claims on social networks that it’s Frosted Mini-Wheats cereal benefits children and improves their immunity, this was done by giving false evidence that the attentiveness of children can be improved by 20percent clinically, this advertisement was unethical as it infringed the standards of FTC† (Federal Trade Commission, 2013) Furthermore, it was alleged that companies pay celebrities millions of dollars to advertise and promote their brand on Social networks.Recently, Snickers was suspected in promoting their brand on Twitter in the form of tweets through prominent celebrities such as Rio Ferdinand and Katie Price in 2012. As a result, the Fair Trade officers advised celebrities that advertisements that doesn’t reveal as a promotion or an en dorsement is a ‘deceptive advertising’ and warned Snickers, it is against the FTC standards. However, the complaints accusing Snickers for deceptive advertising were forwarded to the Advertising Standards Authority to take further investigations on this unethical behavior.  (Barnett, 2012: Federal Trade Commission, 2013)1. 3 Engagement Process Social media enables companies to interact with customers more directly than any other forms. Engagement process is one of the major ethical challenge for companies as it involves the process of directly engaging with customers on social networks and has become a common practice for companies. Social media is used by employees on behalf of the company and it can endanger the company reputation via social media by using it unethically.Even though, engagement process is an important component for marketing and public relations it can still be treacherous if used unethically. (Institute of Business Ethics, 2011) In a survey carried out by the Ethics Resource Centre, 45percent of U. S employees witnessed misconduct at work in which 65percent from those reported to be immoral behaviour, in consequence was alleged for violating the workplace ethics law. The study reveals that social media appears to be a major contributor to this issue.  (Ethics Resource Centre, 2011)In March 2010, Nestle Facebook fan page was hovered with negative remarks from its fans after the palm oil campaign, in response, the employee who controls the fan page posted offensive comments which violated the company policies hence, led to bad publicity and boycott activities from the public. (The Guardian, 2011) In 2012, many big brands faced serious catastrophes on social networks. Such circumstances follows; when McDonald tried to promote its brand via Twitter using hashtags, unfortunately the customers on Twitter posted unfavourable comments of consuming McDonald’s food.Other examples such as the American Apparel and The Gap faced a colossal destructive responses from its customers for posting disapproving ads at the time of Hurricane Sandy. (Anon, 2012) 1. 4 Ethical Social Media Marketing Vs. Unethical Social Media Marketing Conversely, a survey carried out by the IBE reveals, businesses that operate ethically on social media is significantly greater than the proportion of businesses that operate unethically.The above pie chart illustrates that 48 percent of the respondents say that businesses operate very/fairly ethically. (Institute of Business Ethics, 2012) Nevertheless, IBE survey found that it was a decline from 58 percent to 48 percent of views that assumes businesses operate very/fairly ethical on social media. Therefore, the change in the percentage from 2011 to 2012 ascertains that the negative impressions on ethical business behavior have increased radically. (Institute of Business Ethics, 2012) ConclusionSocial media marketing has positive and negative effects: the importance for social media has increased tremendously due to the immense benefits such as the increase in awareness, promotion, engagement and research; if social media is used unethically, may lead to lead to bad publicity and tarnish the company reputation. The varied arguments evidences of statistics and cases from different organisations strongly condemns that social media marketing is unethical; the unethical use of social media practiced by businesses outweighs the ethical use of social media marketing.All in all, the author finds social media marketing unethical hence, may create a huge impact on the company and brand image negatively. However, if social media is properly used, it will result positive outcomes for the brand; if misused, the consequence will be a social abuse. Therefore, the author suggests to use social media vigilantly and consider the business ethics standards of their country before taking further steps

The Hunters: Phantom Chapter 27

The next morning was another hot one. The air was so thick and humid that just walking down the street felt unpleasantly like getting slapped with a warm, damp washcloth. Even inside the car with the air-conditioning on, Elena could feel her usual y sleek hair frizzing from the humidity. Stefan had turned up at her house just after breakfast, this time with a list of herbs and magical supplies Mrs. Flowers wanted them to find in town for new protection spel s. As they drove, Elena gazed out the window at the neat white houses and trim green lawns of residential Fel ‘s Church as they gradual y gave way to the brick buildings and tasteful store windows of the shopping district at the center of town. Stefan parked on the main street, outside a cute little cafe where they had sipped cappuccinos together last fal , shortly after she'd learned what he was. Sitting at one of the tiny tables, Stefan had told her how to make a traditional Italian cappuccino, and that had led to his reminiscing about the great feasts of his youth during the Renaissance: aromatic soups sprinkled with pomegranate seeds; rich roasts basted with rosewater; pastries with elder flowers and chestnuts. Course after course of sweet, rich, heavily spiced foods that a modern Italian would never recognize as part of his country's cuisine. It had awed Elena when she realized how different the world had been the last time Stefan had eaten human food. He had mentioned in passing that forks had just been coming into fashion when he was young, and that his father had derided them as a foppish fad. Until Katherine had brought a more fashionable and ladylike influence into their home, they had eaten with only spoons and sharp knives for cutting. â€Å"It was elegant, though,† he'd said, laughing at the expression on her face. â€Å"We al had excel ent table manners. You'd hardly have noticed.† At the time, she'd thought his differences from the boys she'd known – the scope of al the history he'd witnessed – was romantic. Now†¦ wel , now she didn't know what she thought. â€Å"It's down here, I think,† said Stefan, taking her hand and returning her to the present. â€Å"Mrs. Flowers said a New Age store has opened up and that they should have most of the things we need.† The shop was cal ed Spirit and Soul, and it was tiny but vibrant, cluttered with crystals and unicorn figurines, tarot cards and dream catchers. Everything was painted in shades of purple and silver, and silky wal hangings blew in the breeze from a little windowsil air conditioner. The air conditioner wasn't strong enough to put much of a dent in the stickiness of today's heat, though, and the birdlike little woman with long curling hair and clattering necklaces who emerged from the back of the shop looked tired and sweaty. â€Å"How can I help you?† she said in a low, musical voice that Elena suspected she adopted to fit in with the atmosphere of the store. Stefan pul ed out the scrap of paper covered in Mrs. Flowers's tangled handwriting and squinted at it. Vampire vision or not, deciphering Mrs. Flowers's writing could be a chal enge. Oh, Stefan. He was earnest, and sweet, and noble. His poet's soul shone through those gorgeous green eyes. She couldn't regret loving Stefan. But sometimes she secretly wished that she had found Stefan in a less complicated form, that the soul and the intel igence, the love and the passion, the sophistication and the gentleness had somehow been possible in the form of a real eighteenyear-old boy; that he had been what he had pretended to be when she first met him: mysterious, foreign, but human. â€Å"Do you have anything made of hematite?† he asked now. â€Å"Jewelry, or maybe knickknacks? And incense with†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He frowned at the paper. â€Å"Althea in it? Does althea sound right?† â€Å"Of course!† said the shopkeeper enthusiastical y. â€Å"Althea's good for protection and security. And it smel s great. The different kinds of incense are over here.† Stefan fol owed her deeper into the shop, but Elena lingered near the door. She felt exhausted, even though the day had barely begun. There was a rack of clothing by the front window, and she fiddled distractedly with it, pushing hangers back and forth. There was a wispy pink tunic studded with tiny mirrors, a little hippieish but cute. Bonnie might like this, Elena thought automatical y, and then flinched. Through the window, she glimpsed a face she knew, and turned, the top hanging forgotten in her hand. She searched her mind for the name. Tom Parker, that was it. She'd gone out on a few dates with him junior year, before she and Matt had gotten together. It felt like a lot more than a year and a half ago. Tom had been pleasant enough and handsome enough, a perfectly satisfactory date, but she hadn't felt a spark between them and, as Meredith had said, â€Å"practiced catch and release† with him, â€Å"freeing him to swim back into the waters of dating.† He had been crazy about her, though. Even after she set him loose, he'd hung around, looking at her with puppy-dog eyes, pleading with her to take him back. If things had been different, if she had felt anything for Tom, wouldn't her life be simpler now? She watched Tom. He was strol ing down the street, smiling, hand in hand with Marissa Peterson, the girl he had started dating near the end of last year. Tom was tal , and he bent his shaggy dark head down to hear what Marissa was saying. They grinned at each other, and he lifted his free hand to gently, teasingly tug on her long hair. They looked happy together. Wel , good for them. Easy to be happy when they were uncomplicatedly in love, when there was nothing more difficult in their lives than a summer spent with their friends before heading off to col ege. Easy to be happy when they couldn't even remember the chaos their town had been in before Elena had saved them. They weren't even grateful. They were too lucky: They knew nothing of the darkness that lurked on the edges of their safe, sunlit lives. Elena's stomach twisted. Vampires, demons, phantoms, star-crossed love. Why did she have to be the one to deal with it al ? She listened for a moment. Stefan was stil consulting with the shopkeeper, and she heard him say worriedly, â€Å"Wil rowan twigs have the same effect, though?† and the woman's reassuring murmur. He would be busy for a while longer, then. He was only about a third of the way down the list Mrs. Flowers had given them. Elena put the shirt back in its place on the rack and walked out of the store. Careful not to be noticed by the couple across the street, she fol owed them at a distance, taking a good long look at Marissa. She was skinny, with freckles and a little blob of a nose. Pretty enough, Elena supposed, with long, straight dark hair and a wide mouth, but not especial y eyecatching. She'd been nobody much at school, either. Vol eybal team, maybe. Yearbook. Passable, but not stel ar grades. Friends, but not popular. An occasional date, but not a girl who boys noticed. A part-time job in a store, or maybe the library. Ordinary. Nothing special. So why did ordinary, nothing-special Marissa get to have this uncomplicated, sunlit life, while Elena had been through hel – literal y – to get what Marissa seemed to have with Tom and yet she still didn't get to have it? A cold breeze touched Elena's skin, and she shivered despite the morning's heat. She looked up. Dark, cool tendrils of fog were drifting around her, yet the rest of the street was just as sunny as it had been a few minutes before. Elena's heart began to pound hard before her brain even caught up and realized what was happening. Run! something inside her howled, but it was too late. Her limbs were suddenly heavy as lead. A cool, dry voice spoke close behind her, a voice that sounded eerily like the observational one inside her own head, the one that told her the uncomfortable truths she didn't want to acknowledge. â€Å"Why is it,† the voice said, â€Å"that you can only love monsters?† Elena couldn't bring herself to turn around. â€Å"Or is it that only monsters can truly love you, Elena?† the voice went on, taking on a softly triumphant tone. â€Å"Al those boys in high school, they only wanted you as a trophy. They saw your golden hair and your blue eyes and your perfect face and they thought how fine they would look with you on their arm.† Steeling herself, Elena slowly turned around. There was no one there, but the fog was growing thicker. A woman pushing a strol er brushed past her with a placid glance. Couldn't she see Elena was being wrapped in her own private fog? Elena opened her mouth to cry out, but the words stuck in her throat. The fog was colder now, and it felt almost solid, like it was holding Elena back. With a great effort of wil , she forced herself forward, but could stagger only as far as the bench in front of a nearby store. The voice spoke again, whispering in her ear, gloating. â€Å"They never saw you, those boys. Girls like Marissa, like Meredith, can find love and be happy. Only the monsters bother to find the real Elena. Poor, poor Elena, you'l never be normal, wil you? Not like other girls.† It laughed softly, viciously. The fog pressed thicker around her. Now Elena couldn't see the rest of the street, or anything beyond the darkness. She tried to get to her feet, to move forward a few steps, to shake off the fog. But she couldn't move. The fog was like a heavy blanket holding her down, but she couldn't touch it, couldn't fight it. Elena panicked, tried once more to surge to her feet, opened her mouth to cal , Stefan! But the fog swirled into her, through her, soaking into her every pore. Unable to fight back or cal out, she col apsed. It was stil freezing cold. â€Å"At least I have clothes on this time,† Damon muttered, kicking at a piece of charred wood as he trudged across the barren surface of the Dark Moon. The place was beginning to get to him, he had to admit. He had been wandering this desolate landscape for what felt like days, although the unchanging darkness here made it impossible for him to know for sure how much time had passed. When he had awakened, Damon had assumed he would find the little redbird next to him, eager for his company and protection. But he'd awoken alone, lying on the ground. No phantom, no grateful girl. He frowned and poked one tentative foot into a heap of ash that might conceal a body, but was unsurprised to find nothing but mud beneath the ash, smearing more filth onto his once-polished black boots. After he'd arrived here and started searching for Bonnie, he'd expected that at any moment, he might stumble across her unconscious body. He'd had a powerful image of what she would look like, pale and silent in the darkness, long red curls caked with ash. But now he was becoming convinced that, wherever the phantom had taken Bonnie, she wasn't here. He'd come here to be a hero: defeat the phantom, save the girl, and ultimately save his girl. What an idiot, he thought, curling his lip at his own foolishness. The phantom hadn't brought him to wherever it was keeping Bonnie. Alone on this ash heap of the moon, he felt oddly rejected. Didn't it want him? A sudden powerful wind pushed against him, and Damon staggered backward a few steps before regaining his balance. The wind brought a sound with it: Was that a moan? He altered his course, hunching his shoulders and heading for where he thought the sound had come from. Then the sound came again, a sad, sobbing moan echoing behind him. He turned back, but his footsteps were closer together and less confident than usual. What if he was wrong and the little witch was hurt and alone somewhere on this godforsaken moon? He was terribly hungry. He pushed his tongue against his aching canines, and they grew knife-sharp. His mouth was so dry; he imagined the flow of sweet, rich blood, life itself pulsing against his lips. The moaning came once more, from his left this time, and again he swerved toward it. The wind blew against his face, cold and wet with mist. This was al Elena's fault. He was a monster. He was supposed to be a monster, to take blood unflinchingly, to kil without a second thought or care. But Elena had changed al that. She had made him want to protect her. Then he had started looking out for her friends, and final y even saving her provincial little town, when any self-respecting vampire would have either been long gone when the kitsune came, or enjoyed the devastation with warm blood on his lips. He'd done al that – he'd changed for her – and she stil didn't love him. Not enough, anyway. When he'd kissed her throat and stroked her hair the other night, who had she been thinking of? That weakling Stefan. â€Å"It's always Stefan, isn't it?† a clear, cool voice said behind him. Damon froze, the hairs on the back of his neck rising. â€Å"Whatever you tried to take from him,† the voice continued, â€Å"you were just fighting to even the scales, because the fact is that he got everything, and you had nothing at al . You just wanted things to be fair.† Damon shuddered, not turning around. No one had ever understood that. He just wanted things to be fair. â€Å"Your father cared for him much more than he did for you. You've always known that,† the voice went on. â€Å"You were the oldest, the heir, but Stefan was the one your father loved. And, in romance, you have always been two steps behind Stefan. Katherine already loved him by the time you met her; then the same sad story happened al over again with Elena. They say they love you, these girls of yours, but they have never loved you best, or most, or only, not even when you give them your whole heart.† Damon shuddered again. He felt a tear run down his cheek and, infuriated, wiped it away. â€Å"And you know why that is, don't you, Damon?† the creature went on smoothly. â€Å"Stefan. Stefan's always taken everything you've ever wanted. He's gotten the things you wanted before you even saw them, and left nothing for you. Elena doesn't love you. She never has and she never wil .† Something broke inside Damon at the creature's words, and instantly he snapped back to himself. How dare the phantom make him question Elena's love? It was the only true thing he knew. A cold breeze fluttered Damon's clothing. He couldn't hear the moaning now. And then everything went stil . â€Å"I know what you're doing,† Damon snarled. â€Å"You think you can trick me? Do you suppose you can turn me against Elena?† A soft, wet footstep in the mud sounded behind him. â€Å"Oh, little vampire,† the voice said mockingly. â€Å"Oh, little phantom,† Damon said back, matching the creature's tone. â€Å"You have no idea the mistake you just made.† Steeling himself to leap, he whirled around, fangs ful y extended. But before he could pounce, cold strong hands seized him by the throat and pul ed him into the air. â€Å"I'd also recommend burying pieces of iron around whatever you're trying to protect,† the shopkeeper suggested. â€Å"Horseshoes are traditional, but anything made of iron, especial y anything round or curved, wil do.† She'd passed through various stages of disbelief as Stefan had tried to buy up what seemed like every single object, herb, or charm related to protection in the shop, and now had become manical y helpful. â€Å"I think I've got everything I need for now,† Stefan said politely. â€Å"Thank you so much for your help.† Her dimples shone as she rang up his purchases on the shop's old-fashioned metal cash register, and he smiled back. He thought he had managed to decipher every item on Mrs. Flowers's list correctly, and was feeling fairly proud of himself. Someone opened the door to come in, and a cold breeze whooshed into the shop, setting the magical items and wal hangings flapping. â€Å"Do you feel that?† the shopkeeper asked. â€Å"I think a storm's coming.† Her hair, caught by the wind, fanned out in the air. Stefan, about to make a pleasant rejoinder, stared in horror. Her long locks, suspended for a moment, twisted their tendrils into one curling strand that spel ed out, clearly and chil ingly: matt But if the phantom had found a new target, that meant Elena – Stefan whipped around, looking frantical y toward the front of the shop. Elena wasn't there. â€Å"Are you al right?† the shopkeeper asked as Stefan stared wildly around. Ignoring her, he hurried back toward the door of the shop, looking down every aisle, in every nook. Stefan let his Power spread out, reaching for a trace of Elena's distinctive presence. Nothing. She wasn't in the shop. How could he not have noticed her leaving? He pressed his fists into his eyes until little stars burst beneath his lids. This was his fault. He hadn't been feeding on human blood, and his powers were sorely diminished. Why had he let himself get so weak? If he had been at ful strength, he would have realized immediately that she had gone. It was self-indulgent to give in to his conscience when he had people to protect. â€Å"Are you al right?† the woman asked again. She'd fol owed him down the aisles of the store, holding out his bag, and was looking at him anxiously. Stefan took hold of the bag. â€Å"The girl I came in with,† he said urgently. â€Å"Did you see where she went?† â€Å"Oh,† she replied, frowning. â€Å"She went back outside when we were heading off to look through the incense section.† That long ago. Even the shopkeeper had noticed Elena leaving. Stefan gave a jerky nod of thanks before striding out into the dazzling sunlight. He looked frantical y up and down Main Street. He felt a wave of relief when he spotted her sitting on a bench outside the drugstore a few doors down. But then he took note of her slumped posture, her beautiful blond head resting limply on one of her shoulders. Stefan was at her side in a flash, grateful to find her breathing shal ow yet steady, her pulse strong. But she was unconscious. â€Å"Elena,† he said, gently stroking her cheek. â€Å"Elena, wake up. Come back to me.† She didn't move. He shook her arm a bit harder. â€Å"Elena!† Her body flopped on the bench, but neither her breathing nor the steady beat of her heart changed at al . Just like Bonnie. The phantom had gotten Elena, and Stefan felt something inside him tear in two. He had failed to protect her, to protect either of them. Stefan gently slid a hand under Elena's body, cupping her head protectively with his other hand, and pul ed her into his arms. He cradled her against him and, channeling what little Power he had left into speed, began to run. Meredith checked her watch for what felt like the hundredth time, wondering why Stefan and Elena weren't back yet. â€Å"I can't read this word at al ,† Matt complained. â€Å"I swear, I thought my handwriting was bad. It looks like Caleb wrote this with his eyes closed.† He had been running his hands through his hair in frustration and it stood up in messy little spikes, and there were faint blue shadows under his eyes. Meredith took a swig of coffee and held out her hand. Matt passed her the notebook he'd been examining. They'd discovered that she was the best at reading Caleb's tiny, angular handwriting. â€Å"That's an O, I think,† she said. â€Å"Is deosil a word?† â€Å"Yes,† said Alaric, sitting up a little straighter. â€Å"It means clockwise. It represents moving spiritual energy into physical forms. Might be something there. Can I see?† Meredith handed him the notebook. Her eyes were sore and her muscles stiff from sitting al morning and going through Caleb's notebooks, clippings, and pictures. She rol ed her shoulders forward and back, stretching. â€Å"No,† said Alaric after a few minutes of reading. â€Å"No good. This is just about casting a magic circle.† Meredith was about to speak when Stefan appeared in the doorway, pale and wild-eyed. Elena lay unconscious in his arms. Meredith dropped her coffee cup. â€Å"Stefan!† she cried, staring in horror. â€Å"What happened?† â€Å"The phantom's trapped her,† Stefan said, his voice catching. â€Å"I don't know how.† Meredith felt like she was fal ing. â€Å"Oh no, oh no,† she heard herself say in a tiny, shocked voice. â€Å"Not Elena, too.† Matt stood up, glowering. â€Å"Why didn't you stop it?† he asked accusingly. â€Å"We don't have time for this,† Stefan said coldly, and strode past them to the stairs, clutching Elena protectively. In silent accord, Matt, Meredith, and Alaric fol owed him up to the room where Bonnie lay sleeping. Mrs. Flowers was knitting by her bedside, and her mouth opened into an O of dismay when she saw who Stefan carried. Stefan gently placed Elena on the other side of the double bed by Bonnie's pale and tiny form. â€Å"I'm sorry,† Matt said slowly. â€Å"I shouldn't have blamed you. But†¦ what happened?† Stefan just shrugged, looking stricken. Meredith's heart squeezed in her chest at the sight of her two best friends laid out like rag dol s. They were so stil . Even in sleep, Elena had always been more mobile, more expressive than this. Over the course of a thousand sleepovers, ever since they were little, Meredith had seen sleeping Elena smile, rol herself more tightly in the blankets, snuggle her face into the pil ows. Now the pinkand-gold-and-cream-colored warmth of Elena seemed faded and cold. And Bonnie, Bonnie who was so vibrant and quickmoving, she'd hardly ever kept stil for more than a moment or two in her whole life. Now she was motionless, frozen, almost colorless except for the dark dots of her freckles against her pale cheeks and the bright expanse of red hair on her pil ow. If it weren't for the slight rise and fal of their chests, both girls could have been mannequins. â€Å"I don't know,† Stefan said again, the words sounding more panicked this time, and looked up to meet Meredith's eyes. â€Å"I don't know what to do.† Meredith cleared her throat. â€Å"We cal ed the hospital to check on Caleb while you were gone,† she said careful y, knowing what effect her words would have. â€Å"He's been released.† Stefan's eyes flashed murderously. â€Å"I think,† he said, his voice like a knife, â€Å"that we should pay Caleb a visit.† Elena was suspended in darkness. She wasn't alarmed, though. It was like floating slowly under warm water, gently bobbing in the current, and a part of her wondered distantly and without fear whether it was possible that she had never come up out of the waterfal basin at Hot Springs. Had she been drifting and dreaming al this time? Then suddenly she was speeding, bursting upward, and she opened her eyes on dazzling daylight and gulped a long, shaky breath. Soulful, worried dark brown eyes gazed down into hers from a pale face hovering above her. â€Å"Bonnie?† Elena gasped. â€Å"Elena! Thank God,† Bonnie cried, grabbing her by the arms in a viselike grip. â€Å"I've been here al by myself for days and days, or what feels like days and days anyway, because the light never changes, so I can't tel by the sun. And there's nothing to do here. I can't figure out how to get out, and there's nothing to eat, although I'm weirdly not hungry, so I guess it doesn't matter. I tried to sleep to pass the time, but I wasn't getting tired, either. And suddenly you were here, and I was so happy to see you, but you wouldn't wake up, and I was getting real y worried. What's going on?† â€Å"I don't know,† Elena said groggily. â€Å"The last thing I remember is being on a bench. I think I got caught by some kind of mystical fog.† â€Å"Me too!† Bonnie exclaimed. â€Å"Not the bench part, but the fog part. I was in my room at the boardinghouse, and this weird fog trapped me.† She shivered theatrical y. â€Å"I couldn't move at al . And I was so cold.† Suddenly her eyes widened with guilt. â€Å"I was doing a spel when it happened, and something came up behind me and said stuff. Nasty things.† Elena shuddered. â€Å"I heard a voice, too.† â€Å"Do you think I†¦ set something loose? When I was doing the spel ? I've been worrying that maybe I might have done so accidental y.† Bonnie's face was white. â€Å"It wasn't your fault,† Elena reassured her. â€Å"We think it's the phantom – the thing that's been causing the accidents – that it stole your spirit so it could use your power for itself. And now it's taken me, I guess.† She quickly told Bonnie about the phantom, then pushed up on her elbows and real y looked around for the first time. â€Å"I can't believe we're here again.† â€Å"Where?† asked Bonnie anxiously. â€Å"Where are we?† It was midday and a sunlit blue sky stretched brightly overhead. Elena was pretty sure it was always midday here: It certainly had been the last time she'd been here. They were in a wide, long field that seemed to go on forever. As far as Elena could see, there were tal bushes growing – rosebushes with perfect velvety black blooms. Midnight roses. Richly magical roses grown for holding spel s only the kitsune could coat onto them. A kitsune had sent Stefan one of these roses once, with a spel to make him human, but Damon had accidental y intercepted it, much to both brothers' dismay. â€Å"We're in the kitsunes' magic rose field, the one that the Gatehouse of the Seven Treasures opens into,† she told Bonnie. â€Å"Oh,† Bonnie said. She thought for a moment and then asked helplessly, â€Å"What are we doing here? Is the phantom a kitsune?† â€Å"I don't think so,† Elena answered. â€Å"Maybe it's just a convenient place to stash us.† Elena took a deep breath. Bonnie was a good person to be with in a crisis. Not good in the way that Meredith was – Meredith's way was the planning-and-getting-things-done way – but good in that Bonnie looked up at Elena trustingly with big, innocent eyes and asked questions, confident that Elena would know the answers. And Elena would immediately feel competent and protective, as if she could deal with whatever situation they were embroiled in. Like right now. With Bonnie depending on her, Elena's mind was working more clearly than it had for days. Any moment now, she'd come up with a plan to get them out of here. Any moment now, she was sure. Bonnie's cold, smal fingers worked their way into Elena's hand. â€Å"Elena, are we dead?† she asked in a tiny, quavering voice. Were they dead? Elena wondered. She didn't think so. Bonnie had been alive after the phantom took her, but unwakeable. It was more likely their spirits had traveled here on the astral plane and their bodies were back in Fel ‘s Church. â€Å"Elena?† Bonnie repeated anxiously. â€Å"Do you think we're dead?† Elena opened her mouth to respond when a crackling, stomping noise interrupted her. The rosebushes nearby began to thrash wildly, and there was a great rushing sound that seemed to come from every direction at once. The snapping of branches was deafening, as if something huge was shoving its way through the bracken. Al around them, thorny rosebush branches whipped back and forth, although there was no wind. She yelped as one of the waving branches smacked her across the arm, gashing her skin open. Bonnie let out a wail, and Elena's heart beat double time in her chest. She whirled around, pushing Bonnie behind her. She bal ed her hands into fists and crouched, trying to remember what Meredith had taught her about fighting an attacker. But as she looked around, al she could see for miles were roses. Black, perfect roses. Bonnie gave a smal whimper and pressed closer to Elena's back. Suddenly Elena felt a sharp, aching tug rip through her, as if something were being pul ed slowly but firmly out of her torso. She gasped and stumbled, clutching her hands to her stomach. This is it, she thought numbly, feeling as though every bone in her body were being ground to a pulp. I am going to die.

The Feminist Movement By Kate Chopin And Boys And Girls By...

For millennia, women have been perceived as lesser beings compared to men. Many women tend to fall into a sense of entrapment brought on by the superiority complex of men. The feminist movement, which began in the late nineteenth century, works to disprove this false perception. The movement describes a fight for political, cultural, and economic rights equal to that of men. Two short stories, â€Å"The Story of an Hour† by Kate Chopin and â€Å"Boys and Girls† by Alice Munro, relate experiences from female perspectives, highlighting oppression against women. The authors use different techniques to show the protagonists’ similar struggle for liberation in their male-dominated environments. While Alice Munro uses the voice of a young girl to†¦show more content†¦Through this voice, the author captures the readers’ sympathies and furthers their understanding of injustice against women. Kate Chopin expresses an opinion similar to Alice Munro’ s in her piece, â€Å"The Story of an Hour.† Using the metaphor of a heart disease, Chopin illustrates how marriage can serve to subjugate women. She shows the underlying control men have over women with this symbol. In Chopin’s story, the protagonist, Mrs. Mallard, has just discovered the news of her husband’s death. Chopin states, â€Å"Knowing that Mrs. Mallard was afflicted with a heart trouble, great care was taken to break to her as gently as possible the news of her husband’s death† (para. 1). Mrs. Mallard’s sister, Josephine, and her husband’s friend, Richard, are the ones who inform her, and they are cautious of her condition. Mrs. Mallard soon realizes the significance of the death of her husband when Chopin writes,â€Å"There would be no more powerful will bending hers in that blind persistence with which men and women believe they have a right to impose a private will upon a fellow-creature† (para. 10). While Chopin keeps her accusation gender neutral, she makes it apparent that Mrs. Mallard’s husband imposes private will upon her. This is evidence of female oppression. After processing the news of his death, Mrs. Mallard expresses a surge of liberation as â€Å"her pulses beat fast, and the coursing blood